As the archeologists uncovered  cultural feature after feature at the J. B. White site, significant patterns began to  emerge. When the distributions of artifacts and features were mapped and  studied, it became apparent that, to a large extent, these formed thin layers representing what archeologists call living surfaces. These surfaces represent distinct  occupations—short periods of intermittent site use. Even after several centuries, the spots  where activities such as tool making and specific cooking tasks had taken place during a given occupation were still apparent.
              The stone-tool-making debris piles described  in the previous exhibit section had yielded two important bits of information. First,  they showed that the site is not mixed up, with artifacts of different ages all  jumbled together. Second, they showed that people made and used stone tools in  particular places close to hearth features. Other concentrations of materials,  such as freshwater mussel shells, Rabdotus snail shells, animal bones, burned rocks, and burned clay also surrounded the  surface hearths found in the Main Block. Since these other kinds of materials were in  the same levels as the stone debris piles, often overlapping them, they also  appear to represent the refuse of daily life left right where it was generated,  close to the hearth features.
              The patterning of features, stone  debris, tools, and other materials within the Main Block was explored in  Levels 6 though 9 within Zone 2. Patterns were clearest in Levels 6 and 8 and  were obscured in Level 7 due to large quantities of overlapping materials and  in Level 9 because of few materials and features. Still,  analysis showed  that similar kinds of patterning occurred in all four levels, suggesting that  the camp was used in much the same way throughout the 400-year span represented  by Zone 2.
              Patterning was easiest to see in  Level 8 where five surface hearths surround a relatively empty space. Such an  arrangement of hearths would be expected if they were situated relative to  something like a shade tree, or maybe around an open communal space. Still, the  concentrations of materials surrounding these features vary enough to suggest  that people did different kinds of things around particular hearths. For  instance, mussel shells are most prevalent around one hearth while land snails  are concentrated near another. Two of the hearths are off by themselves and  have little around them.
              That freshwater mussels and Rabdotus snails were foods eaten by the  people who lived at the site is indicated by the more than 180 pounds of mussel  shells and 12,842 Rabdotus shells  recovered. The two most common mussels within the concentrations of shells are  the three-ridge mussel (Amblema plicata)  and the smooth pimpleback mussel (Quadrula houstonensis). Both can live in river bottom conditions of mud,  sand, and gravel. Living in sand and gravel, they may have been collected from  the Little River at the same time chert river cobbles were gathered for making  stone tools. The land snail Rabdotus dealbatus dealbatus is a relatively large snail that lives in grassy patches. 
              The habitat preferences of other very small snails common to  the site, but probably not used as food because they are so small, indicate  that the site area lay within a wooded bottomland (riparian  forest)  at the time  Native Americans lived there. This would not have been an ideal habitat for Rabdotus, and thus these snails probably  were collected from nearby open grassy areas and brought to the site to be  eaten. These snails may have been collected along with wild onions, as both  would have been found in the open grassy areas. 
              The snails and mussels may have been  lightly roasted or boiled to open the shells and allow the meat to be removed,  or they may have been used to make a stew. Evidence of burning on mussel and  snail shells was limited, suggesting that prolonged exposure to heat was not a  primary cooking method. Nor was any evidence found of modification of shells to  form tools or ornaments.
              Animal bones found by the  archeologists provide strong evidence for what else the people who lived at the  J. B. White site ate. The three animals whose bones occur most frequently are  deer, turtles, and rabbits. The archeologists found concentrations of bones  near some of the hearths, overlapping the stone debris piles and shell  concentrations there. Within these bone concentration are many spirally fractured bones. Fresh bones, particularly deer leg bones, fracture in this way  when people intentionally break them open to get the nutritious marrow (fatty tissue) within bone cavities.  Because spirally fractured bones are common near the hearths, it appears that  extracting marrow was one of the things people did around the campfires. Many cultures around the world highly prize  bone marrow. 
              Another food processing method they  may have  used was roasting turtles in their shells. Most of the animal bones  found were not burned, but many pieces of turtle shell were burned, often only  on the outside of the shell. This could happen only if the interior was  protected in some way, such as if it still had the fleshy parts of the turtle  attached when the shell was placed in the fire.
              Concentrations of burned rocks and  burned clay also surrounded the many hearth features. Archeologists use the somewhat misleading term burned rocks to describe rocks that are discolored and often cracked because they were heated in campfires and used as cooking stones. At the J. B. White site, the burned rocks were mainly sandstone and quartzite river cobbles. The burned clay consisted of small chunks and nodules of clay-rich dirt hardened and discolored by fires in the hearths. Both frequent reuse of the camp and occasional  flooding likely displaced some of the smaller  burned rocks and burned clay chunks from the  hearths.
              There were two kinds of hearths in  the Main Block. The most common kind was the surface hearth. These are  the remains of small fires built directly on the ground surface for cooking  food or heating. They were marked by patches of ash, burned clay, and charcoal  flecking and generally were no larger than 2 feet across. The second kind of  hearth—pit hearths—may have been used as small earth ovens with heated river  gravels  used to cook food. Pit hearths appear to be smaller versions of the large baking pits discovered in the South Block. The pit hearths and baking pits have  similar shapes, and they also are similar in that both contained burned rocks  surrounded by dark gray to black dirt. But the pit hearths covered areas of  only 1.2 to 3.0 square feet (0.11 to 0.28 square meters), while the baking pits  ranged from 6.5 to 12.2 square feet (0.6 to 1.13 square meters).
              The materials found in all levels of  the Main Block indicate that Native Americans used the site in much the same  way over a 400-year time span. Two of the main kinds of things they did there (that left obvious evidence) were prepare various kinds of food and make and fix tools for hunting. These  activities were organized around a number of small hearths and appear to have  been carried out by small groups of people, probably extended families. This  conclusion is based partly on the array of foods collected and consumed at the  site. These foods included freshwater mussels, land snails, wild onions,  various seeds and nuts, deer, and various small animals that could have been  collected by hand or trapped such as turtles and rabbits. Many hands, both male  and female, young and old, were needed to bring together and prepare this broad array of foods. 
              In the latter half of the period  when the site was used, approximately A.D.   1100 to 1300, people visited the site and stayed there more and more often.  This increasingly intensive use is best represented in Level 7, which produced more  of every kind of artifact than any other level. Most of those materials were  concentrated on the west side of the Main Block, and thus it appears that the  main part of the campsite at that time probably lay outside the area the archeologists  excavated.
              Some 10 meters (over 30 feet) south of the area of  small hearths and debris piles in the Main Block, a concentration of 10 large  baking pits was uncovered in the South Block excavation. All of  these large pits appear to have been used only during the later occupations of  the site. The large size and number of these pits are another reflection of the  intensified use of the site late in its history.  These large pits  measured as much as 2 meters (6.6 feet) across and 50  centimeters (1.6 feet) deep. Five of the large pits in the South Block intersected other  pits, indicating the area was reused for the same purpose a number of times.  Each pit was filled with many burned sandstone and chert river cobbles, small  shattered pieces of burned rocks, burned clay, and charcoal fragments. This  abundant burned material suggests that intense heat was associated with these  pits. These cooking pits probably were placed away from the main camp area  because of the heat and smoke they produced. 
              The charcoal from  these pits indicates that oak wood was the fuel of choice, though hackberry,  hickory, pecan, and other hardwoods also were burned. And the archeologists  found burned wild onion bulb fragments in all of the large cooking pit features.  Native Americans are thought to have  baked these small onions in large batches for food. These pits also  contained small amounts of animal bones, including fish, pond turtle, cotton  rat, rabbit, rodent, and deer. Whether these represent animals cooked in the  pit features or not is uncertain. However, given that these bones account for  only 1 percent of all the bones recovered from the site, it seems that if  animal parts were cooked in these pits, they were removed and the bones  discarded mostly elsewhere after the meat was eaten.
              
                To  get a better idea of what the Indians cooked in these pits, the archeologists  tried a special study of organic residues left on the rocks from the baking  pits. They based this study on the idea that both plants and animals contain  organic fats, and the fats from whatever was cooked in the pits could end up on  the river cobbles used to retain heat in them. Nine cobbles from the pits were  found to contain such residues. While the study could not identify specific plants  and animals, it was able to determine that a variety of both animals and plants  probably were cooked in these features.